ࡱ> %`)hbjbj"x"x.@@2X%XP@8$ !4\]`!`!"!!!!!!\\\\\\\$\_ha]&!!&&]!!]111&<!!\1&\116QS!T! bf=Q-Q\,]0\]QcQ."c8SScCT!:"1#P$!!!]]s1v!!!\]&&&&D First I would like to congratulate the European Federation for Street Children and the Instituto de Apoio Criana for this European initiative, which is both very interesting and very promising. Congratulations fully deserved even if we only considered the global objective put forward for this forum: The role of civil society as a catalyst for the social inclusion process for strongly excluded children and street children. Congratulations obviously deserved when considering the objective of contributing for a reflection on the importance of civil societys role in the process of promoting inclusive actions. Please allow me to remember that man only lives humanly when responding creatively, with his freedom, to what he was given given by his parents, by the ecosystem, by society. When parents, for whatever reason, do not give a child what s/he deserves and needs to grow and live humanly, society is responsible for compensating him/her. And society should take this responsibility, using adequate instruments, either organized and run by society itself or by the government, in which case society should maintain its eyes open for a demanding surveillance. And this is how it should be because we are all socially responsible for preserving and developing society, for its cultural, social, civil and political present and future. Helping children become young people and later men and women able to tone freedom and citizenship is a responsibility of the entire society and, naturally, of the state as an institution of civil society, its most important institution. From this perspective, obviously ethical but political as well, combating poverty and social exclusion and social inclusion of strongly excluded children and street children is an essential investment in a more virtuous future, i.e., fairer, more solidary, more civil. This is even truer now that a child is a rare good. According to a recent study developed by ONU, within half a century the population of Europe will decrease from its current 730 million inhabitants to only 628 million. The European Federation for Street Children and the Instituto de Apoio Criana also deserve congratulations for their goal to compare reflections and actions carried out by organizations in several European countries which have undertaken the task of making efforts and using the means to combat poverty and social exclusion. I believe it also makes sense to refer that this initiative, like all other initiatives of the European civil society, gives hope for finding a common fulfilling future for Europe; a future in which economic, social, cultural and political aspects are a concern and play a dynamically harmonious role. Future, after all, of unity, humanizing unity, which, with dynamic commitment, compaginates generalized progress and social development, with freedom and citizenship, under true multiculturalism conditions. To respond to this compromise I accepted of addressing the possible alliance between civil society and the state, I will try to develop the following subjects: First: Man, society and the state And second: National states, European countries and civil society facing a new time of challenge, that of mundialization. 1. Man, society and the state The human being a personal subject due to his reasoning is an active and communicating being; a social being, therefore. This is demanded from him both by exterior nature and his own nature, that make him a deliberate action-taker, this is, a being able to deliberately choose the action required to achieve a given result. These actions, that allow man to solve the problems raised by existence, represent a continuous process of interaction with the surrounding environment. Interaction is, therefore, inevitable and indispensable because man is a civic, social being. Society is, as said by Leonardo Polo, ultimately the expression of the interior to other people, on a reciprocity regime. It is itself a plurality of people acting with one another. And it is in its interaction with other human beings in society that the human being lives its active existence: freedom. But society, in the words of Rafael Alvira, is not for each person, a possible option, or an aid in life, but rather a need and an obligation. This duality, subjectively unrenounceable, should imply the human beings commitment to preserving and developing society. Possibly it was that need (that obligation and its meaning) that led human beings to change to a civil state from the original state in which they lived the nature state for the Social Contractualists. Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau and Kant define precisely the meaning of a contract or social pact, under which a group of people living on a nature state, with no civil law, organized themselves in a society. After the first pact that of association another one would follow that of government or submission. This pact established a government for the civil society, regulating the terms of the relationship between that government and the civil society that was defining it. The theories of Social Contractualists revolutionalized classical political thinking (which had been the dominant way of thinking up until then and which considered the state as the finality of human existence) by establishing that the individual was the original legitimator for the state, and that it was the only criterion thus a single criterion for all political order. These theories recognize that civil society is genetically former and superior to the state, state which is no more than a way, a means, historically located and defined, of political organization. It is therefore not more than an institution of high importance, in fact in the action and life of civil society, destined to enable it a civil and civilized existence, i.e., tolerant, pacific, efficient for modernization and efficient for the development and integration of society and this is confirmed by history and, even, common sense. And so, society is a natural phenomenon that does not seems to need any genetic justification. Only political power needs it, as proven by the History of Political Ideas and Political Philosophy. In fact, it has always been difficult to understand and accept why any one would permanently impose his/her power on others unless supported and justified by natural principles, like age or any unarguable superior capacity, either physical or spiritual. And the complexity of political power legitimation is only lessened when the ruler governs by own right, i.e., invested according to rules that should be respected. The legitimacy of holding a title is not enough and always demands legitimacy of action (performing the function according to the objectives it has been established). It must have been this purpose to fulfil their own ideals of justice and safety that led societies to establish a private political power that would ensure them the rights the rules adequate to their needs and aspirations. History demonstrates that the government of political societies too often forgot their mediator-instrumental feature and did not serve society but rather used it. Therefore it is not surprising that relations between society and political power were frequently perverted. Also frequently government officials have taken properties, freedom, and even responsibilities away from human beings and their societies, thus changing the government of political societies into a subject of legal rights and political power, anti-civil as it has been clearly and dramatically demonstrated, even in our times, with totalitarian systems. The answer to this perverse colonizing sidetrack of the state over society is the concept of civil society. Although different authors have given it different meanings, one thing is common to all of them the firm belief that there is a need for human societies to get organized through many different institutions that are autonomous, independent, of different nature, and not run by the state or by the market. This concept of civil society is at the origin of a truly democratic way of thinking because it assumes the value of freedom, initiative and individual action and, on the other side, it points towards a certain equality and solidarity, or fraternity, among the constructors of such society. To respond to the political demands of this new concept and to the aspirations it has created especially in what concerns how the political organization and its government function, and how it interacts with civil society we have arrived at democracy in todays society. Quoting Manfred Spieker, a civil society is expected to be a society of conscient and active citizens, self-organized vis--vis the state, on a relatively free sphere, in economy, politics, culture and solidarity; of citizens who organize themselves in associations, parties and free communication means, who participate in the creation of political will and who do not only tolerate a subsidiary state, but also appreciate it as a condition for common good. Democracy represents the shape and finality of modern society and is therefore much more than a mere way of government. Effectively, democracy has its indispensable imagination, source and engine on the idea of civil society. 2. National states, European countries and civil society facing a new time of challenge, that of mundialization In the unstoppable evolution of the world, we have gone from the time of a finite world (so called by Valry in Regards sur le monde actuel) to the time of an integrated world, with the mundialization. The time of a finite world started when the entire geography of the world was known, which happened from the polar expeditions onwards (1909 to the North Pole and 1911 to the South Pole). This discovery of the entire world was started by Portuguese and Spanish, and both the states (Portuguese and Spanish) and European maritime civil societies play a relevant role. The distinctive traits of the time of an integrated world, of the so-called mundialization are universality, unicity and instantaneity. Thanks to the impressive technical progress and to the means it allows, capitalism renovated itself. Renovation operated under a widened geographic framework that tends to go from internationalization (i.e., intensification of relations between national economies) to mundialization which has turned the planet into a single global market, increasingly ignoring state political frontiers mundialization of the economy that necessarily includes the intensification of exchanges between men, products and capital at worldwide level (especially, goods, services and capital that benefit from a much more liberal regulation than the one that regulates migration flows). Radical change was brought about by the mundialization which, as in all great historic transformations, created a cyclone of polymorphic crises of change and adjustment; crises that European countries necessarily had to face and which could have been an incentive to create a large European political and socioeconomic space. It would be legitimate to admit (or even reasonable) this, looking back on the path of European unity, its genetic reasons, its solid foundation and historic investment. Unfortunately, this did not happen. The construction of Europes unity has stagnated, which has thus got lost in time and has wasted the opportunities that wisely used might have led Europe to meet history and, in history, gain political importance in geopolitical, geoeconomic and even geocultural terms. This would have not only been possible but urgent for the future of Europe and even for the presential (sober) future of the world. It is time for the states and civil societies to make a serious philosophical reflection on the current situation, its causes and, from then on, in dynamic interaction, draw strategies that rapidly allow building a real and operative change in Europe. In fact, we all know that only societies capable of making a philosophical reflection on their own structure and related ideas are subject to clearly perceptible changes, which indefectibly leads to changes on the significance of some of those ideas. Unwise ambition would be to intend, in this brief conversation, to deal exhaustively with such a wide and crucial subject for Europe as this philosophical reflection. Therefore, I will just present some of the reasons and situations which in my perspective are responsible for the current impasse on the construction of Europes unit. We know that civil societies were drawn apart from the construction of Europe. In fact, that happened at the beginning, when the project of European unit was driven by charismatic leaders, conscient that only unity could grant Europe peace and capacity to respond to its vulnerabilities, namely in terms of security and economy. The same would happen later, however now without charismatic leaders and in a crisis context brought about by mundialization. In fact, European guidelines were defined without negotiation and interstate concertation, and even approved without consultation in the important Maastricht Treaty. And the truth is that it all happened with strange passivity from European civil societies. However, today, as confirmed by political facts, this model if we can call it a model for the construction of European unit is surpassed, condemned. In fact, consultation to citizens is not enough (consultation, which, in fact, has a suspect democratic authenticity because it has not been more than a way to consolidate the options made by politicians...). Due to the suspicion vis--vis political powers, it is extremely important to have a clarifying and mobilizing negotiation between social actors and political government bodies. Currently, social and political effectiveness is only safe with the operationalization of joint decisions of the state and the civil society. Nowadays it is not possible to govern without the people, even if it is for the good of the people. Simultaneously, it is very urgent for citizens to radically change their civil behaviour. They should accept that they are the only owners of their destinies and [they] should assume both the responsibilities and risks thereof arising. One should recognize that it is not easy for a society and its members to suddenly assume the direction of their destinies and to be able to answer the problems that our time rises. And it is not easy because, in Occidental Europe, citizens have been educated to obey, to obey in the name of progress, greatness, truth, equality, solidarity or well-being. In summary, which is not caricatural, they have been taught and have accepted to live their lives and that of their institutions in second hand, forgetting that, as Dahrendorf says, If we want to be free, we have to work with the institutions and inside them, shaping them again and again in that process, that is, building them in the image of freedom opportunities open for us at each given moment. By the way, it is convenient to stress that the state, as mentioned before, is no more than an institution of the society, its most important institution. The states have realized this abnormal and dangerous situation, forced to recognise, given the facts, that their means are limited, their powers increasingly reduced vis--vis problems that increasingly transcend national borders. Also civil societies via their institutions and more enlightened members have become conscient of the need or responsibility they have to assume in the government of all institutions, including the state. This is a situation that both the state and civil society stubbornly do not face head on, thus putting an end to the decadent situation of many European states through the renovation of the national state, of an appeal to participative and deliberative citizenship, by means of European unit construction. In fact, and without pessimism, we should recognise that most European states not only do not establish and develop these national and European strategies but also have possibly lost conditions (trumps), conquered with difficulty in the already long process for European construction. The societies of European states, educated to obey the powers (especially political), infantilized by providence states, are almost all doomed by globalization in which the lack of a true European union, namely global and political, is more visible by its discontents than its benefits. The truth is that, for them, social certainties long acquired have ruined. Unemployment increases drastically and threatens everyone, precarity became a rule, compensation has made people lose purchasing power and quality of life, threats impending over the social security and health systems distress them, exclusion increases and security disturbs them. They feel their future is uncertain and that of their children is threatened. This crisis on the role of the state has created the need to equate new combinations for a different type of relations among public authorities, markets and all type of associations, namely those with volunteers. Societies of European states regard the future suspiciously because they do not see it within the context of a convincing and mobilizing strategy for the future of the European Union not capable of giving enough answers, first to their poignant social questionnaire, and then to their surrounding economic, financial and political determinants. This is the situation that it is urgent to change. A possible solution would be to gain the commitment of national states, their civil societies (intellectuals and their organizations) and the European civil society, as well as its already existing institutions, on the strategic and competent drawing of policies able to respond, if not immediately, at least in the near future, to problems, mainly social and economic that anguishly cast a shadow over Europes daily life. Once completed, this drawing should obviously be well explained, with competence and rigour, to citizens and their organizations, which, once the drawing is final, should be consulted democratically. This procedure is doubtlessly important important but insufficient. Sufficiency can only be found: If, for drawing the strategy, for its discussion and approval, both the social actors (civil society, after all) and the directing bodies participate equally, at state and European level (whenever the subject is Europe). This democratic procedure is a must because only it can bring information and education, only it can awaken civic conscience and foster a real implication of citizens, of the civil society, in the political happening. If we systematically evaluate overall politics (the competences of those elected by the people), rules and decisions, their impact, and the responsibility and competence of those elected, of governments and also of civil society actors. These steps may settle for a gradual process towards the recovery of the idea of Europe, of the confidence between the civil society and the political power, of the mobilization of the interests of the European civil society in an European political project able to respond simultaneously to the threats of the mundialization and to profit from the opportunities that, after all, it offers and give Europe a relevant voice and role in the resolution of the great problems that worry and even threat the world today, its peace, progress and social development; a project for political unification, quoting Unamuno a suggestive project for life in common, able to mobilize everyone because they find in it simultaneously the answer or secure promise of answer to their needs and fears, to the maintenance of a political, social and cultural distinctivity, historically built in a democratic Europe. This is a cyclopic difficulty given the situation to which the European world has arrived; difficulty which can only be overcome if, looking at the lessons of the civil society namely recent ones in Eastern European countries civil society itself is able to regain its role as responsible for all its institutions, namely the state. This protagonism is possible and includes a revitalizing role of civil society, i.e., new and more complete compagination of freedom with active citizenship. After all, this means giving back to civil societies their intervening civil dimension, the role that in a democracy a deliberating democracy according to Alain Touraine it should play and that implies giving priority to ethics through the value of freedom, initiative and action, whether individual or in organizations, paying special attention to equality because only those who are equal somewhat equal may pacifically cooperate to make society more united, tolerant, pacific therefore civil. Consequently, it is important that civil society does not turn its back on politics and politicians, but rather wakes up politically and demands complete information and clarification. It is also important that politicians do not forget nor fear civil society and that they reassume their main function: being interested truly, with competence and assumed risk on the change demanded by the situation, and that they do everything, with systematic concern for mobilizing and rendering population itself responsible. Only with this difficult but imperative conjugation, in which state and civil society are face to face, as two sets of different actors and institutions, in a constant, attentive and balanced, but dynamic, interaction, will we be able to define a project and a future for up-to-date nation-states and a real European unit and to establish the strategies to attain them, overcoming the crisis that draws everything and everyone to a swamp, making politics, of thought and action, an adventure that the state and civil society again feel the will to participate. Antnio Ramalho Eanes 6 de Outubro de 2008 Conferncia apresentada no Frum Europeu sobre Crianas de Rua, sob o tema principal do papel da sociedade civil como catalisador do processo de incluso social das crianas em situao de excluso e das crianas de rua, organizado pelo Instituto de Apoio Criana e a Federao Europeia das Crianas de Rua, que decorreu nos dias 6 e 7 de Outubro de 2008, no Auditrio do Novo Edifcio da Assembleia da Repblica (h verso em portugus)  ALVIRA, Rafael Lgica y sistemtica de la sociedad civil. In ALVIRA, Rafael et ali., ed. - Sociedad civil: La democracia y su destino. Pamplona: EUNSA, 1999 (col. Filosfica, n 144). p.70  ALVIRA, Rafael Lgica y sistemtica de la sociedad civil. p.70  SPIEKER, Manfred Doctrina social catlica y sociedad civil: una aportacin a la estabilizacin de los procesos de transformacin postcomunistas. In ALVIRA, Rafael et ali., ed. - Sociedad civil: La democracia y su destino. Pamplona: EUNSA, 1999 (col. Filosfica, n 144). p.167  ALVIRA, Rafael et ali., ed. - Sociedad civil: La democracia y su destino. p.XI  ALVIRA, Rafael et ali., ed. - Sociedad civil: La democracia y su destino. p.XI  BERSTEIN, Serge; MILZA, Pierre (dir.) Histoire du XXe sicle. Paris: Hatier, 2005. Tomo 3: De 1973 nos jours: vers la mondialization et le dbut du XXIe sicle. p.64  The cultural aspect is not referred on purpose, because some authors consider that besides a European civilization there is also a European culture, the humanistic, well defined by Prince of Ligne and so many others, with particular reference to Abbot of Saint-Pierre, Kant and Victor Hugo  RAPHAEL, D. D. Problemas de Filosofia Poltica. Cit. In. MGICA, Fernando La sociedad civil en contexto. In ALVIRA, Rafael et ali., ed. - Sociedad civil: La democracia y su destino. p.4  MARTN LPEZ, Enrique La responsabilidad de los ciudadanos en la construccin de la sociedad civil. p.46  MARTN LPEZ, Enrique La responsabilidad de los ciudadanos en la construccin de la sociedad civil. p.46  MARTN LPEZ, Enrique La responsabilidad de los ciudadanos en la construccin de la sociedad civil. p.46  MARTN LPEZ, Enrique La responsabilidad de los ciudadanos en la construccin de la sociedad civil. p.45  DAHRENDORF, R. Ley y orden. Cit. In. MGICA, Fernando La sociedad civil en contexto. p.18  MARTN LPEZ, Enrique La responsabilidad de los ciudadanos en la construccin de la sociedad civil. p.46     PAGE  PAGE 1 #Wt0 1    4 6 7 < l m o ͼުހoaoPoao?ooa hh}[OJQJ^JmH sH  hh=OJQJ^JmH sH h}[OJQJ^JmH sH  hh%OJQJ^JmH sH  hhsuOJQJ^JmH sH 0hhPu0J5B*OJQJ^JmH phsH #hhPu5OJQJ^JmH sH  hhmC,OJQJ^JmH sH  hh.OJQJ^JmH sH  hhPuOJQJ^JmH sH  hhZOJQJ^JmH sH  m " 9J'on1KnT!"#% $xa$gda( $xa$gda(2`h(h ! 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